Appalling new evidence reveals that female soldiers serving in Iraq
made fatal decisions in their attempts to avoid rape
In a startling revelation, the former commander of Abu Ghraib prison
testified that Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, former senior US military commander
in Iraq, gave orders to cover up the cause of death for some female American
soldiers serving in Iraq.
Last week, Col. Janis Karpinski told a panel of judges at the Commission
of Inquiry for Crimes against Humanity Committed by the Bush Administration
in New York that several women had died of dehydration because they refused
to drink liquids late in the day. They were afraid of being assaulted or even
raped by male soldiers if they had to use the women's latrine after dark.
The latrine for female soldiers at Camp Victory wasn't located near their barracks,
so they had to go outside if they needed to use the bathroom. "There were
no lights near any of their facilities, so women were doubly easy targets in
the dark of the night," Karpinski told retired US Army Col. David Hackworth
in a September 2004 interview.
It was there that male soldiers assaulted and raped women soldiers. So the
women took matters into their own hands. They didn't drink in the late afternoon
so they wouldn't have to urinate at night. They didn't get raped. But some died
of dehydration in the desert heat, Karpinski said.
Karpinski testified that a surgeon for the coalition's joint task force said
in a briefing that "women in fear of getting up in the hours of darkness
to go out to the port-a-lets or the latrines were not drinking liquids after
3 or 4 in the afternoon, and in 120 degree heat or warmer, because there was
no air-conditioning at most of the facilities, they were dying from dehydration
in their sleep."
"And rather than make everybody aware of that -- because that's shocking,
and as a leader if that's not shocking to you then you're not much of a leader
-- what they told the surgeon to do is don't brief those details anymore. And
don't say specifically that they're women. You can provide that in a written
report but don't brief it in the open anymore."
For example, Maj. Gen. Walter Wojdakowski, Sanchez's top deputy in Iraq, saw
"dehydration" listed as the cause of death on the death certificate
of a female master sergeant in September 2003. Under orders from Sanchez, he
directed that the cause of death no longer be listed, Karpinski stated. The
official explanation for this was to protect the women's privacy rights.
Sanchez's attitude was: "The women asked to be here, so now let them take
what comes with the territory," Karpinski quoted him as saying. Karpinski
told me that Sanchez, who was her boss, was very sensitive to the political
ramifications of everything he did. She thinks it likely that when the information
about the cause of these women's deaths was passed to the Pentagon, Donald Rumsfeld
ordered that the details not be released. "That's how Rumsfeld works,"
"It was out of control," Karpinski told a group of students at Thomas
Jefferson School of Law last October. There was an 800 number women could use
to report sexual assaults. But no one had a phone, she added. And no one answered
that number, which was based in the United States. Any woman who successfully
connected to it would get a recording. Even after more than 83 incidents were
reported during a six-month period in Iraq and Kuwait, the 24-hour rape hot
line was still answered by a machine that told callers to leave a message.
"There were countless such situations all over the theater of operations
-- Iraq and Kuwait -- because female soldiers didn't have a voice, individually
or collectively," Karpinski told Hackworth. "Even as a general I didn't
have a voice with Sanchez, so I know what the soldiers were facing. Sanchez
did not want to hear about female soldier requirements and/or issues."
Karpinski was the highest officer reprimanded for the Abu Ghraib torture scandal,
although the details of interrogations were carefully hidden from her. Demoted
from Brigadier General to Colonel, Karpinski feels she was chosen as a scapegoat
because she was a female.
Sexual assault in the US military has become a hot topic in the last few years,
"not just because of the high number of rapes and other assaults, but also
because of the tendency to cover up assaults and to harass or retaliate against
women who report assaults," according to Kathy Gilberd, co-chair of the
National Lawyers Guild's Military Law Task Force.
This problem has become so acute that the Army has set up its own sexual
assault web site.
In February 2004, Rumsfeld directed the Under Secretary of Defense for Personnel
and Readiness to undertake a 90-day review of sexual assault policies. "Sexual
assault will not be tolerated in the Department of Defense," Rumsfeld declared.
The 99-page report was issued in April 2004. It affirmed, "The chain of
command is responsible for ensuring that policies and practices regarding crime
prevention and security are in place for the safety of service members."
The rates of reported alleged sexual assault were 69.1 and 70.0 per 100,000
uniformed service members in 2002 and 2003. Yet those rates were not directly
comparable to rates reported by the Department of Justice, due to substantial
differences in the definition of sexual assault.
Notably, the report found that low sociocultural power (i.e., age, education,
race/ethnicity, marital status) and low organizational power (i.e., pay grade
and years of active duty service) were associated with an increased likelihood
of both sexual assault and sexual harassment.
The Department of Defense announced a new policy on sexual assault prevention
and response on January 3, 2005. It was a reaction to media reports and public
outrage about sexual assaults against women in the US military in Iraq and Afghanistan,
and ongoing sexual assaults and cover-ups at the Air Force Academy in Colorado,
Gilberd said. As a result, Congress demanded that the military review the problem,
and the Defense Authorization Act of 2005 required a new policy be put in place
by January 1.
The policy is a series of very brief "directive-type memoranda" for
the Secretaries of the military services from the Under Secretary of Defense
for Personnel and Readiness. "Overall, the policy emphasizes that sexual
assault harms military readiness, that education about sexual assault policy
needs to be increased and repeated, and that improvements in response to sexual
assaults are necessary to make victims more willing to report assaults,"
Gilberd notes. "Unfortunately," she added "analysis of the issues
is shallow, and the plans for addressing them are limited."
Commands can reject the complaints if they decide they aren't credible, and
there is limited protection against retaliation against the women who come forward,
according to Gilberd. "People who report assaults still face command disbelief,
illegal efforts to protect the assaulters, informal harassment from assaulters,
their friends or the command itself," she said.
But most shameful is Sanchez's cover-up of the dehydration deaths of women
that occurred in Iraq. Sanchez is no stranger to outrageous military orders.
He was heavily involved in the torture scandal that surfaced at Abu Ghraib.
Sanchez approved the use of unmuzzled dogs and the insertion of prisoners head-first
into sleeping bags after which they are tied with an electrical cord and their
are mouths covered. At least one person died as the result of the sleeping bag
technique. Karpinski charges that Sanchez attempted to hide the torture after
the hideous photographs became public.
Sanchez reportedly plans to retire soon, according to an article in the International
Herald Tribune earlier this month. But Rumsfeld recently considered elevating
the 3-star general to a 4-star. The Tribune also reported that Brig. Gen. Vincent
Brooks, the Army's chief spokesman, said in an email message, "The Army
leaders do have confidence in LTG Sanchez."