INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS - LOOKING GLASS NEWS | |
Courage and Resistance in Oaxaca and Mexico City |
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by Stephen Lendman SteveLendmanBlog Entered into the database on Wednesday, August 30th, 2006 @ 11:50:30 MST |
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It began on May 15 this year when teachers belonging to the 70,000
strong National Union of Education Workers in Oaxaca, Mexico took to the streets
for the first time to press their demands to the state government to address
their long-neglected needs. They included restructuring teachers' salaries,
improving the deplorable educational infrastructure forcing teachers to conduct
classes in laminated cardboard shacks, a lack of books and other educational
materials and providing food for the many impoverished children who come to
school each day hungry. After Chiapas, Oaxaca is the poorest of Mexico's 31 states, each of which has
its own constitution and elected governor and representatives to the state congresses.
Both states share a common border in the extreme south of the country, and both
are predominantly rural which exacerbates the impoverishment of their people.
That poverty level worsened substantially in the 1980s and especially in last
dozen years because of the neoliberal so-called "free market" policies
adopted by President Carlos Salinas and maintained by successive presidents
up to the present that included the destructive NAFTA trade agreement with the
US and Canada. It followed from the IMF-imposed structural adjustment policies
since the mid-1980s that included large-scale privatizations of state-owned
industries, economic deregulation, and mandated wage restraint that held pay
increases to levels far below the rate of inflation. The result is that the
great majority of Mexicans for years have seen their standard of living decline,
and more of them now live in poverty especially in the rural areas where farmers
are unable to compete with heavily subsidized US grain and other food imports
flooding the country since the NAFTA agreement ended agricultural import tariffs.
It's the main reason so many of them and other impoverished Mexicans come el
norte in desperation to find work unavailable to them at home. Mexico's adherence to neoliberal Washington Consensus policies also added to
the country's growing dependency on capital inflows that includes "hot
money" free to enter and leave the country's deregulated financial markets.
It led to an unsustainable current account deficit and collapse of the peso
in early 1995 causing the worst depression in the country in 60 years and far
greater impoverishment of the majority of the Mexican people. Those conditions
still affect most Mexicans, they're not getting better, and there's a growing
discontent and anger because of them. It's leading to acts of resistance and
rebellion against a system of governance that's enriched a small minority of
the country's elite (a handful of them to obscene levels of wealth) at the expense
of the majority poor sinking deeper into poverty and the misery from it. It's
playing out now in the mass-demonstrations in Mexico City's vast Zocalo Plaza
de la Constitucion (where the country's first constitution was proclaimed in
1813) in the wake of another stolen presidential election and in the streets
of Oaxaca where teachers, other working people, and many organizations and groups
in solidarity with them are encamped and demonstrating daily for the rights
they deserve. It shows that ordinary people anywhere will only put up with so
much for so long before demanding change. In the Mexican streets today, it just
remains to be seen how far these acts of resistance will go and what successes,
if any, they'll have. The Spirit of Resistance in Oaxaca Back in May, demonstrating teachers presented their reasonable demands to Oaxaca's
Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) Governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz (known as
URO) who rejected them out of hand. A week later on May 22 the teachers went
on strike and set up a tent city in an area covering 34 city blocks in the colonial
downtown area. This was the 26th consecutive year Oaxaca teachers had demonstrated
demanding redress for their grievances. In the other years, the teacher action
lasted a few weeks, a modest compromise was eventually reached, and things returned
to normal even without satisfactorily resolving fundamental problems that always
remained. Not this time, however, as events have played out. Negotiations began
but after nearly three weeks produced nothing. The teachers rejected Governor
Ruiz Ortiz's claim that he had no resources to meet their demands. In response,
they blocked government offices, city streets and highways, tollbooths, access
to the airport, caused the cancellation of the Guelanguetza cultural festival,
and brought the important tourist industry to its knees causing over 1000 hotel
workers to be laid off. They also held marches obstructing traffic through the
downtown area and blocked construction projects on the Cerro de Fortin that
overlooks the highway entering Oaxaca from Mexico City. The frustration is clearly
showing among Oaxaca's merchants, restauranteurs, and hotel keepers who've announced
a one-day strike on September 1 in protest and to demand the government end
the strike that's cost them millions of dollars and closed down the city's lifeblood
tourist industry. Back on June 2, things began to intensify as thousands of other working people
and representatives from Oaxacan organizations joined in solidarity with the
teachers to march against the state government and Governor Ruiz Ortiz. They
repeated it again on June 7 in another huge peaceful march numbering about 120,000
in which student and parents' groups, other union members, and representatives
from socialist and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) from Oaxaca and other
states joined with the teachers to help them press their demands. So far everything
was peaceful, as in the past, but all that changed on June 14 when state police
entered the compound where the teachers were camping. They had riot shields,
fired tear gas at the people there, and were aided by an overhead police helicopter
that also dropped tear gas canisters on the crowds that by now were raging.
The police also destroyed or burned nearly all the encampment shelters and disabled
Radio Planton that had been broadcasting information to the people from the
main square since the demonstration began. The teachers took none of this lightly and fought back as best they could including
tearing up cobblestones to throw at the police and setting police cars afire.
After some hours they managed to regain the upper hand, but from this action
a precedent had been broken of short-lived peaceful actions each year followed
by government obstinacy and in the end a modest compromise. For the first time
ever, this strike action became militant, and it showed two days later on June
16 when an astonishing 300,000 - 500,000 people marched again (in a greater
area of 1 million people) outraged at how they were treated and demanding the
immediate resignation of Governor Ruiz Ortiz who again ignored them. It was
clear this was becoming more than just another strike for better pay and working
conditions. It had grown to much more than that to include Mexico's long history
of authoritarian rule for and by the rich and powerful with little attention
given to addressing people needs. A clear show of common determination and defiance of state authority then happened
early in July when the teachers, other unions, indigenous peoples, religious
groups, NGOs and others from all across Oaxaca state bonded together to form
the Popular Assembly of the People of Oaxaca (APPO) declaring this to be a citizens'
assembly taking over as the governing body of the state. APPO set up encampments
outside all state government buildings including the legislature and governor's
offices closing them all. So far though, there's no resolution in sight to the confrontation and no clear
idea whether there will be one soon or what it will be when the current strife
eventually ends. It's now been ongoing for over three months, has erupted in
violence leaving two people dead and has gone well beyond the demands of the
teachers who began it hoping, as in other years, for a peaceful solution. It
wasn't to be and now it's closed off highways and the schools, crippled the
state's tourist industry, caused physical damage in the city, and polarized
the people en masse against the Oaxacan government. The teachers and other demonstrators
showed it by seizing government offices forcing the governor and officials to
work out of hotels and then other makeshift facilities when demonstrators warned
hotel mangers they would peacefully take over the ones allowing state officials
to hold sessions there. The governor is now under enormous pressure with the people demanding he resign
immediately. In desperation he's apparently disappeared, and his whereabouts
remain secret. Unless in hiding he orders the state authorities go all out in
violent confrontation, APPO representing the working people of Oaxaca is now
the functioning authority in the state. It remains to be seen if it intends
to hold on to it and can do it. For now though, the confrontation continues
and it's getting even uglier. On August 21 at 3:00 AM, four vans of armed men
(apparently police and hired paramilitary thugs) attacked the people guarding
the antenna of Channel 9 and radio 96.9 with high powered weapons resulting
in several people being wounded and one killed. In retaliation, the demonstrators
took control of 10 AM and FM radio stations and are using them to inform the
people what's happening on the streets. Other attacks also have been occurring
most nights elsewhere in the city with people shot at or disappeared again apparently
by the state police and hired paramilitaries. So far the Oaxacan people are
resolute and determined to see this through to the end and to do it nonviolently.
They have the numbers on their side, and up to now the Federal government has
been reluctant to intervene because of the mass peaceful resistance movement
in the Mexico City streets and elsewhere calling for a just resolution of the
fraudulent July 2 presidential election vote count so far unaddressed. The Struggle for Electoral Justice On the Streets of Mexico City If the people of Oaxaca stand firm and succeed in effectively running their
state and getting redress for their demands which are quite reasonable, it will
add momentum to the national campaign in the wake of the fraudulent Mexican
presidential election now playing out simultaneously in Mexico City's vast Zocalo
public square and elsewhere around the country. For weeks, Party of the Democratic
Revolution (PRD) candidate Lopez Obrador (known affectionately as ALMO) and
his supporters have maintained a 12 mile encampment in downtown Mexico City
and effectively kept the city in gridlock. They've symbolically closed government
offices, shut down whole sections of streets across the city for miles, taken
over toll booths, for a time blocked Mexico's Stock Exchange, and held mass
marches through the streets with as many as a record 2 million turnout at one
of them to support their candidate. They demand a full and honest vote recount
of the July 2 presidential election results that had clear rampant fraud and
irregularities unsatisfactorily addressed. Unless they are, Obrador promised
his supporters his campaign for an honest recount of all precincts "vote
by vote, precinct by precinct" will continue indefinitely in the courts
and on the streets where like in Oaxaca civil resistance will be used if their
reasonable demands by peaceful protests are ignored which so far they have been.
At this point, there's no way to know for sure how the battle for electoral
justice will be settled, but several key dates are approaching fast. The issue
of resolving the election's official winner is in the hands of the Federal Election
Tribunal (or Trife...prounounced Treefay). It has until August 31 to officially
complete its final count and up to September 6 either to declare a winner, annul
up to 20% of the precincts without annulling the entire election, or annul the
whole thing which by law would mean the Congress would choose an interim president
and have a new election within two years. A second key date is September 1 when
current President Vincente Fox must give his annual State of the Union address.
Lopez Obrador has said if the Trife declares National Action Party (PAN) candidate
Felipe Calderon the winner, he and his supporters will protest in mass "civil
resistance" at the halls of Congress on that date. Two other fast-approaching dates must also be watched - Mexico's national Independence
Day on September 15 and the following day when traditionally a military parade
is scheduled through the historic center of the city. On September 15, the president
always comes to the balcony of the Palacio National on one side of the square,
rings the ceremonial bell and leads the "cry of pain" from the Zocalo.
Lopez Obrador promises if Calderon is declared the winner he and his supporters
will replace Vincente Fox with their own cry of pain and disrupt the traditional
commemoration then and again the following day of the parade. How this will be resolved is now in the hands of the seven Trife judges who
on August 28 unanimously dismissed allegations of massive fraud and are almost
certain to declare Felipe Calderon the winner and new Mexican president. It's
final decision cannot be appealed. Lopez Obrador responded calling the ruling
"offensive and unacceptable for millions of Mexicans." He told his
assembled followers in the Zocalo this court decision "represents not only
a disgrace in the history of our country but also a violation of the constitutional
order and a true coup d'etat." He also called his opponent a "usurper"
and added "the constitutional order is broken.....and the electoral tribunal
decided to validate the fraud against the citizens' will and decided to back
the criminals who robbed us of the presidential election." He went on to
say Mexico "needs a revolution" and vowed to name himself president
when the Trife's official ruling is announced. There's no way to know for sure what will happen next, but this may be a watershed
moment in Mexico's history. The long-entrenched institutions of power in the
country are being challenged as never before. Since the Trife, as most expected,
failed to address the overwhelming fraud and election theft, there likely will
be civil resistance in the streets in opposition that potentially could become
a mass uprising over the coming weeks. If this happens, it could threaten to
unseat the federal authorities in the capitol and lead to mass violence and
bloodshed as they attempt to restore order. With that in mind, it's been rumored
that a contingent of US Special Forces has been sent to help the Mexican military
guard the country's oil fields in case of trouble. Mexico's Pemex state oil
company produces about 3 million barrels of oil a day and ships about half of
it to the US, thus making Mexico one of this country's leading oil suppliers.
It's also gone unreported that the Congress in Mexico City is surrounded by
6 and one-half foot high grilled metal barriers. Behind them are 3,000 special
shock troops who are Federal Preventive Police (PFP), a force drawn from the
Mexican Army and members of the elite Estado Mayor or Presidential military
command. They form a Praetorian Guard line of defense armed with tear gas launchers,
water cannons and light tanks assigned to protect the institutions of power
against a rebellion that might threaten to storm the legislative Chamber of
Deputies, Senate or the Palacio Nacional (the National Palace seat of the federal
executive in Mexico). Given the constant mass demonstrations in the Mexico City streets, this force
is certain to be on high alert, can easily be reinforced if needed, and is now
ready to act if civil resistance turns to disobedience or rebellion in the aftermath
of the final Trife ruling that now looks to be a mere formality. Blood in the
streets is nothing new to Mexico, and it may be seen there again as tensions
now are very high and not likely to subside soon. Lopez Obrador said if the
Trife formally declares Felipe Calderon the election winner he will lead a civil
resistance movement in opposition and do it by setting up some kind of parallel
government. If he follows through and keeps his word, the battle lines will
be clearly drawn in a struggle ahead that likely will be turbulent, protracted
and uncertain as to how it will end. Another potential source of trouble is the still unsettled matter of 30 political
prisoners arrested on May 3 and 4 in San Salvador Atenco. Addressing that issue
quietly and much more is Zapatista (EZLN) leader Subcomandante Marcos. He and
many thousands of his supporters and organizations allied with him representing
many thousands more in their Zapatista Other Campaign organized a national movement
to end Mexico's unjust economic system of corrupted and predatory capitalism
that exploits people for profit ruthlessly. His goal one day is to bring real
social, economic and democratic change to the country but do it outside the
political process within which he believes it can never happen. Toward that goal, on January 1 this year, Marcos began a six month campaign
taking him to all Mexico's 31 states to meet and listen to a diverse range of
people, groups and organizations hoping to gain greater support for his mission
and goals. The spirit of APPO and people on the streets in Oaxaca are very much
a part of the Other Campaign Marcos is trying to build. What's not part of it
is supporting Lopez Obrador's campaign for the presidency because Marcos wants
much greater reform for Mexico than he believes Obrador would ever work for
if elected or even be able to achieve through the electoral process if he wanted
to. He hopes his Other Campaign can achieve it, and with a great enough organizing
effort is trying to build unity among many diverse elements in the country to
back him in his campaign for real change and the benefits it can bring to the
great majority of the Mexican people. With so much resistance happening on the streets of the country today that's
likely to intensify after the August 28 Trife announcement, Mexico may be more
ripe for real change now than it's been since the heroic efforts of Emiliano
Zapata Salazar helped lead a national revolutionary movement against the Porfirio
Diaz dictatorship that began in 1910 and led to the dictator's overthrow the
following year. Subcomandante Marcos and his modern-day Zapatistas may sense
another watershed moment in Mexico's troubled history and feel now is the time
to seize it and go for the change he hopes to help achieve. For now though, it remains for events to play out in the upcoming days and
weeks throughout the country. There are strong indications that Mexican authorities
sense a troubled time ahead, are armed and ready for it if it comes with likely
US military support, and will have to consider how to deal with it. It's in
their hands to decide whether to use violent militant action against the people
demanding justice or relent and give in enough to keep things from spiraling
out of control. Whatever action they take, it's possible Mexico may never be
the same again, but it's still too early to know and no one should be foolish
enough to guess. The best anyone can say is stay closely tuned in case Mexican
history is about to be made. Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago and can be reached at
lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net. Also visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com __________________________ Read from Looking Glass News Mexican
Electoral Fraud Wins Round One - Round Two Now Begins Mexico
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Associated Press lies again Democracy,
Mexican Style - Part II Democracy,
Mexican Style - Part I Mexico
2006: Florida all over again? Now
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