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Norm Stamper is poised to become a very unpopular man -- among conservative law
enforcement sorts, anyway.
The retired 34-year police veteran is first to admit to -- but not apologize
for -- the ways in which he has alienated fellow cops, from his unusually touchy-feely
leadership style (focusing on progressive, demilitarized community policing)
to advocacy for decriminalizing drugs and prostitution.
And don't forget the whole '99 WTO protests thing. Yep, it's that Norm Stamper
-- the former Seattle police chief who oversaw the tear gas-and-handcuffs-happy
chaos that ensued after a few thousand peaceful protestors became, well, not
so peaceful.
With the publication of his book, Breaking Rank (Nation Books), Stamper is
back in the line of fire. In this part-memoir, part-polemic, he decries the
state of modern law enforcement and calls for its reform. With sensational chapter
titles such as "Why White Cops Kill Black Men" and "Sexual Predators
in Uniform," Stamper is clearly unafraid of attracting attention. But he
backs up these teasers with thoughtfully weighed opinions and personal anecdotes,
many of them reinforced by research.
The author reflects on his own experiences as an officer to illustrate the
ways in which America's police force is rotting from the inside out, corrupted
by an interior culture of institutionalized racism, misogyny and homophobia.
But while effectively ripping the police world apart, Stamper manages to remain
honest about his own role in the "boys' club." He confesses to some
unsavory, stereotypical-cop behaviors in his early days, from emotionally abusing
his wife to knocking perps unconscious. And he's upfront about career regrets
(e.g., the WTO debacle, for which he resigned).
Stamper spoke with AlterNet about his ideas for police reform, and the wide-ranging
ways it would benefit America, from his home on Orcas Island, Wash.
AlterNet: What kinds of responses to Breaking Rank have you gotten so far?
Norm Stamper: Early reactions have been almost uniformly favorable. I'm afraid
to say that, because I don't know what's around the bend. I've had people call
and tell me that it brought them to tears in sections; people that know me but
didn't know about some of the incidents that transpired [during] my 34-year
career. But I also got very positive reactions to the agenda, which is really
what I was hoping for.
Your agenda is somewhat controversial.
It's off-the-charts controversial, and in no time, as soon as folks get an
opportunity to read it, I'll hear about it.
Have you heard from any fellow cops?
Only indirectly. The chapter entitled "Why White Cops Kill Black Men"
produced a response from the president of the Police Guild in Seattle, like,
"What the hell is that supposed to mean?" You've just got to read
the chapter to get an answer, whether he likes it or not.
I've heard others say, "Oh, this kind of stuff never happened," and
all I can do is shake my head at that, because it did happen. It happens far
less than it did in 1966 -- the racism, the sexism, the homophobia -- but it's
still there, and it's naive, at best, to deny that it exists.
Even those departments [that] have really done measured and effective work
over the last three decades to address some of the most intractable issues --
of institutionalized racism and so forth -- you've got to be constantly on alert
for signs that our rank and file officers are doing the wrong things, setting
bad examples.
When did you start to become politicized regarding the law enforcement field?
Fourteen months into my career. I had made what we commonly refer to as an
attitude arrest -- I didn't like the guy, so I arrested him. I wish I could
put it in a prettier way, but the fact is that he challenged my authority. He
was 19, and I was 22. I stopped him for driving slightly over the speed limit.
I really didn't have strong justification to stop him in the first place.
He got out of the car and immediately gave me a ration of shit, and [the] little
part inside my brain that was becoming accustomed to this clicked. I [started]
trying to find a reason to bust him, and I did. To call it a shaky arrest is
to put myself in a charitable light.
What was the reason for the arrest?
I arrested him for being drunk in a public place. Of course, we decriminalized
public intoxication absent of other...criminal behavior many years back. But
in those days, it was a crime. It was a bailable offense -- if you pay your
$29 bail, you don't go to court, and that's the end of it.
But this guy decided to go to court. As I said, he was 19 years old, and I
thought he had a chip on his shoulder. I showed up in court with him and I gave
the prosecutor a wink and a poke...I slid up and [told] him it was a slim arrest;
I said, "You'll probably want to dismiss this one." He said, "What
do you mean?"
I said, "Well, he had a shitty attitude."
He asked, "Was he drunk?"
The question in my mind was, "What the hell does that have to do with
anything?" That was honestly how I felt. I was like, why is this prosecutor
giving me the third degree?
When I said, "No, he wasn't drunk, but he had a really shitty attitude
and he called me a pig," the prosecutor glared at me -- I'll never forget
this moment -- through his tortoiseshell glasses, and said, "Officer Stamper,
does the United States Constitution mean anything to you?"
I was enraged — 'What gives him the right to question me?' He works in
this sanitized, air-conditioned environment, and if he's got a question about
law or policies he can go to colleagues and books...while I'm out there on the
streets in blue line (though it was a tan line in those days).
I was scared to death. I was scared that he would report me to the department,
but that wasn't my big fear. The biggest fear was 'Oh my God, I didn't think
this way, and I certainly didn't behave this way, before I joined the police
department.'
I believed in civil rights, I believed in human rights. I believed, as a matter
of fact, that the police were pretty useless and oppressive. I didn't have high
regard for the police before I became one, and yet five months down the road
I'm saying things and doing things I've never said or done in my life.
So it was a defining moment, which...helped trigger a profound change in me.
It reintroduced me to some earlier values, and it radically altered my behavior.
It was at that moment, at about 14 months into the job, that I set out to atone
for the way I had behaved. I had to acknowledge how much I enjoyed throwing
people around. I had to confess to myself that it was great fun, and what did
that say about me?
That vague sense of joy that was associated with screwing people around --
did it go away?
Well, it wasn't vague. To be completely honest, it was unalloyed.
I had turned my back on some pretty deeply-held values...I had to work to --
I know this sounds very woo-woo -- but to get in touch with what I stood for.
In that process I clearly did not like what I saw. I was behaving like my father,
and starting around age 13, I put as much distance between [him] and myself
as possible.
Anyway, it sounds pretty psychological, but that's what was going on for me,
and then I became more and more political.
In the book you devote a lot of space to domestic violence, and how you feel
it's men's responsibility to stop it. At one point, you mention research indicating
that cops are more likely to be domestic abusers. What is it about male cops
that makes them more dangerous or inclined to violence than other American men?
For many police officers, they are their professional identity. That's who
I was that first year. It's who we are, not just what we do. So if anyone threatens
my identity as a cop, I become potentially dangerous.
When I became a cop, there were no women patrol officers. It was a very, very
machismo culture. To say it was male-dominated is to understate it. It was exclusively
a boys' club, and there was a lot of boys’ behavior going on -- sexism,
misogyny, sexual harassment both in the workplace and on the streets, predatory
behavior on the part of male police officers and a lot of drinking and carousing
and the like. That's a quick snapshot of the culture, and I was a part of [it].
Police officers are granted authority. It goes with the turf; you can't be
a cop without exercising authority. Jerome Skulnick talks about [this] in a
book called Justice Without Trial -- he describes a police officer's "working
personality."
Young men who've been given authority -- a badge, a gun -- and allowed to stop
and cite and arrest and question and fight and shoot their fellow citizens,
run a grave risk of having that power go directly to their heads, or other parts
of their anatomy.
That pretty much summarizes how and why it's easier for cops to become abusive
in their personal relationships. 'Who are you to question my authority, wife?'
...And they're also adept at delivering blows that don't show. They know what
to do and they're armed, so a lot of police domestic violence over the years
has gone unreported. Their victims and survivors are terrified -- they're afraid
to come forward, for good reason.
You’re very committed to women's safety. Why is that so important to
you?
This event didn't have a profound immediate effect on me, but it was seared
into my brain: As I was investigating a dead cat in my hometown of National
City, I heard this motorcycle. I looked up and saw a woman driving it. I thought,
'wait a minute, she's not riding on the back of it -- she's driving!'
I was only eight or nine, and I had never seen anything like that. Something
clicked. If a girl can do that, why can't she do other things?
My mother, as I also wrote about, was kind of a "Beulah the Riveter"
during World War II. She was in the workplace doing theretofore "men's
work," and she was the first girl at Sweet Water High School to take woodshop.
I don't remember ever being hugged by my mother, and certainly not by my father.
We weren't a close family, and there was a fair amount of violence in it --
my mom could wield an apricot switch like nobody's business, which she did,
often enough.
Then a series of partners had a huge influence on me, especially my second
wife, who is political as well as literary. She was a poet and a novelist, and
came from a lefty perspective. Life with her, especially during the early '70s,
really transformed me into a strong supporter of women's rights.
In Breaking Rank, you mentioned that in 1994 you — very ambitiously —
compiled the skeleton of a plan to end family violence in Seattle. Do you remember
any of your strategies?
When I came to Seattle, my robbery detectives had been assigned to handle DV
[domestic violence] cases, which blew my mind. We had done some pretty extraordinary,
pioneering DV work in San Diego, so I came from that background.
It was quite a shock and a contrast [in Seattle]. I immediately set about creating
a domestic violence unit, and housed it within a newly-created family protection
bureau.
So it went from literally zero detectives assigned exclusively to domestic
violence cases, to 24 or 25. Along the way we provided in-depth training, sending
our detectives to schools and developing our own in-house [program], providing
it to all of our patrol officers as well.
Also along the way, we had detectives who developed specialties -- stalking,
elder abuse. And we had a 'fugitives team' who went out in full uniform, with
some ballistics gear and high-powered weapons, to chase down domestic violence
offenders who had skipped court.
I wanted to send a message that domestic violence is a crime -- a serious felony
offense. DV prevention and DV enforcement is not social work. And that the offenders
who think that they can just walk away from their responsibilities -- in this
case, failing to show up at court -- would be arrested, and we weren't going
to take any chances of cops getting hurt.
Your chapter about the drug war was one of the most intense. Can you talk about
your beliefs about drug decriminalization, and why opposition runs so deep in
law enforcement?
Historically, the criminalization of drugs was a revenue-producing public policy.
It was, 'If we're going to make money off these drugs, we've got to regulate
them.' It began as taxation, and then we started moralizing the behavior --
attaching moral judgments to the use of drugs, and demonizing the drug users.
If we were an honest nation, consistent and with any integrity, we would do
the same thing with caffeine, nicotine and alcohol, but we don't.
While there are restrictions, certainly, on the use of nicotine and alcohol,
both of those substances and the behaviors around them are perfectly legal for
adults, yet we know that cigarette addiction is the most egregious form of addiction.
But we're fundamentally dishonest, and in demonizing illicit drug users, we
deny medical attention for those who choose to get off drugs. We under-invest
in smart education and prevention programs; we deny IV drug users clean syringes
in many, many cities. We deny them methadone when it has been clearly established
that that's a healthier alternative to heroin.
You have to start with the premise that if tobacco and alcohol, with all of
their harms and enormous social and financial costs, are lawful substances,
then how can we, in good conscience, deny somebody the right to smoke a joint
-- or to snort coke or shoot heroin? I don't do those things, but I believe
I ought to have a right to do those things.
From very early on, we teach children that the people who use drugs are monsters
and fiends. Well, excuse me, but they're not. Some of them manage to handle
it successfully, and many do not. Many abuse the drugs and wind up very ill
— psychologically, physiologically, mentally, emotionally. But rather
than demonizing them, we ought to be reaching out to help them. If we spent
far less money on the supply side of the supply/demand equation, we'd be able
to spend much more money on prevention, education, medication and rehabilitation
and the like.
What do you think we can do to make that happen?
Get some honest and courageous police chiefs to talk about it. There may be
three, there may be one, there may be none, I don't know -- but I have had conversations
with mayors and police chiefs, and as I pointed out in the book, these typically
take place in the bar after a drug conference, over our favorite drug of choice
[alcohol].
I was really impressed, during my days as Seattle's police chief, with a visit
to representatives of The Hague. These are judges, prosecutors and high-ranking
police officers -- about a dozen of them. We started talking about drug enforcement.
They made clear that they continue to go after organized-crime drug dealers,
which is terrific and I would never advocate stopping.
But they recognized that drug use is a social problem, and if adults take drugs
and behave responsibly under their influence -- i.e., don't drive, don't batter,
don't furnish the kids -- they'll leave them alone. If they've got a problem
of abuse -- which is fundamentally a medical problem -- then they get help,
and the cops are on board with that. That's also true in Canada, where the Canadian
Association of Chiefs of Police advocated decriminalization of marijuana.
All of this has to do with the obscene level of profit associated with illicit
drug dealing. The reason illicit drugs cost so much money is because they are
illicit. If government would enter the regulation picture as it has with tobacco
and alcohol, it could easily transform a pretty miserable picture into a better
one. It will never be rosy, but it can be a much healthier and more sensible
picture.
Talk a little bit about the infamous WTO protests. You were Seattle's police
chief at the time. What happened? What lessons can be learned from it?
Well, we were snookered. In the end, that's my conclusion, and I take full
responsibility for that.
I thought we were prepared. I honestly thought we were going to have minor
skirmishes, loud protests, a few individuals -- maybe 30 to 50 to 100 over the
course of the week -- thrown in jail for doing things that they ought not do.
My fervent hope was that there would be a critical dialogue about globalization
in Seattle. In many respects, there was that dialogue -- it just didn't take
the shape that many anti-globalization protesters hoped. Nor did it meet the
needs of the WTO ministers.
It's tragic that that didn't happen, but at the same time, it sure got the
world's attention. I hate to say that it takes that level of violence, tear
gas, citizens and cops getting hurt and the chief's reputation being damaged...But
if there was a blessing in all of that, it was that the conversation about globalization
really got a shot in the arm.
There’s a controversial chapter in your book -- "Why White Cops
Kill Black Men" -- in which you describe your belief that white cops are
afraid of African-American men, contributing to trigger-happy officers killing
often-innocent, unarmed "suspects" like Amadou Diallo. Explain.
While you do everything you can to provide education and training and discipline
and supervision and inspection, nothing guarantees that police officers will
conduct themselves professionally in a non-discriminatory way.
There has been enormous progress over the years, and it needs to be acknowledged.
But we have to accept that ours is a racist society, and that patterns of racism
and discrimination affect the institutional as well as the individual. So you
may have a cop whose political and social sophistication is advanced, who does
not -- at least consciously -- have a racist bone in his or her body, but is
still contributing to a pattern of discrimination.
We are affected by our cultural differences, and we're scared to death to talk
honestly about race in this society. There are a lot of people who aren't, who
are wonderful at it — but for the most part, we do anything we can to
avoid having an honest conversation about what it means to be white and what
it means to be black, whether it's in a school, or in a stationhouse in a police
department.
I didn't find empirical evidence to support this, but I personally believe
that white cops are scared of black men. The bigger or darker the man, the more
frightened the white cop. I can't shake that; it's a belief I will take to the
grave.
Are there ways to alter or eliminate those fears?
It's certainly possible. It requires very purposeful and powerful leadership.
We should be continuously examining racial and other sensitive relationships
in police work. This isn't something that's obscure or esoteric; it happens
daily.
We need to reach out to help educate young men in the African-American community
more about the role of police. Johnnie Cochran [spoke about this] in Seattle.
He said, "Look, when the police stop you, be courteous. Don't mouth back,
don't give them shit. If they ask you to do something, unless it is unlawful,
do it. Give them your ID. If they want to check you, search you, whatever, do
it, and if you were wronged, call a responsible official and complain."
I used to encourage complaints; it drove my captain crazy.
What are the top three aspects of law enforcement that need reform most urgently?
I would call an end to the war on drugs -- yesterday. I would take the police
out of the business of popping people for the possession of small quantities
of drugs, and I would devote much of that attention and money to prevention,
education and treatment.
Number two would be the selective and intelligent demilitarization of America's
police forces. The thing is, we pretty much behave in accordance to the cultural
values and norms of our institutions. If I belong to a paramilitary bureaucratic
organization that puts the community at arm's length, then guess what? I'm going
to be the soldier bureaucrat.
So I would demilitarize and, as much as is logical to do so, de-bureaucratize
American's police departments. They need to be much more community-friendly.
They need to be the people's police.
The third thing would be embracing an authentic definition of community policing.
I'm not minimizing the role of police. I'm not saying -- as I mentioned in another
chapter -- to disarm [cops] and take them out of uniform. But the community
can exact major changes in their police force if there's shared thinking to
that end. In other words, "Wait a minute, this police department belongs
to me."
There is very little I can do as an individual, but there's a hell of a lot
that I can do as an organized, mobilized community -- citizen participation
in policy-making and program development, crisis management, you name it.
I think chiefs need to be out there, visible and conspicuous, and they need
to be a living emblem of the reforms and improvements they're advocating. If
they're not change agents, then shame on them, because the institution needs
change.
But do many of your fellow cops think the same way?
No. There are some change agents that I've had the privilege of working with
over the years, but they still represent a pretty small minority. Most of them
are status quo, "don't rock the boat."
I never imagined myself as a cop, much less a police chief, and I understand
the impulse... It's like, you work your way up; you're careful to please your
boss, even if you have to be an ass-kissing "yes man," because you
want to get ahead. You finally get there, holding down the best job you've ever
had, and you're scared to death of losing it.
Fear...produces more brutality, inefficiency, misconduct and apathy than anything
I can imagine. It's fear behind anger, and it's fear that keeps police chiefs
from being honest.